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Este blog trata basicamente de ideias, se possível inteligentes, para pessoas inteligentes. Ele também se ocupa de ideias aplicadas à política, em especial à política econômica. Ele constitui uma tentativa de manter um pensamento crítico e independente sobre livros, sobre questões culturais em geral, focando numa discussão bem informada sobre temas de relações internacionais e de política externa do Brasil. Para meus livros e ensaios ver o website: www.pralmeida.org. Para a maior parte de meus textos, ver minha página na plataforma Academia.edu, link: https://itamaraty.academia.edu/PauloRobertodeAlmeida;

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Mostrando postagens com marcador Keynes. Mostrar todas as postagens
Mostrando postagens com marcador Keynes. Mostrar todas as postagens

sábado, 21 de dezembro de 2019

A grande ilusão keynesiana: como Henry Hazlitt desmantelou a fraude econômica - Gary North (Mises)

Existem algumas grandes teorias que se mantêm durante certo tempo, para depois soçobrar no avanço de teorias mais sofisticadas, ao sabor de novas pesquisas, novas experiências, novas descobertas. A teoria da "terra é redonda", por exemplo, estava explícita desde a mais remota antiguidade, pela simples observação dos astros, o que não impediu idiotas de proclamar a "teoria" da "terra plana". A física newtoniana se manteve durante séculos, até ser corrigida pela relatividade de Einstein. O marxismo soçobrou no grande desastre comunista do século XX, mas já tinha sido desmentido por bons economistas desde o século XIX, que no entanto não conseguiram desmantelar a poderosa força da filosofia social de Marx. O keynesianismo tinha muitas inconsistências, teóricas e práticas, mas ainda assim se mantém como a grande "teoria macroeconômica". O freudismo ainda se mantém, mas sempre teve derivações mais sérias (junguianas, por exemplo) e outras francamente ridículas (como o "lacanismo"). Finalmente, a teoria da seleção natural se mantém, a despeito dos idiotas do criacionismo e do desenho inteligente. Assim vamos...

Paulo Roberto de Almeida
Brasília, 21/12/2019

Hazlitt's Critique of Keynes: The 60th Anniversary

In 1959, Henry Hazlitt's book, The Failure of the "New Economics," was published by D. Van Nostrand Company, a reputable but midsized publishing company. The book was subtitled An Analysis of the Keynesian Fallacies.
This was Hazlitt's magnum opus. That is to say, it was his great work. Yet it was narrowly focused. It was a monograph. In clear prose, he took apart John Maynard Keynes's magnum opus, The General Theory of Employment, Interest, and Money (1936), the book that indirectly reshaped economic theory in the second half of the twentieth century.

The Book Almost Nobody Has Read

Almost no one has ever read the book. There is good reason for this. Keynes' book is unreadable. Its arguments are incoherent. This is why we rarely see direct quotes from the book. Keynesianism did not become a major factor in the thinking of most economists until 1945. The Keynesian movement accelerated in 1948 because of the first edition of Paul Samuelson's textbook Economics. I own a reprint of that original edition. Keynes is not quoted in the book. Samuelson mentioned him on pages 253 and 303. The book and its later editions have sold something in the range of four million copies. It was the most successful economics textbook of the twentieth century. It shaped the thinking, or rather the non-thinking, of millions of students for seventy years. Yet almost none of these students has ever read The General Theory cover to cover.
Samuelson in 1946 wrote a laudatory assessment of the impact of The General Theory. It was published in Econometrica, an academic journal not noted for its clarity.
In any case, it bears repeating that the General Theory is an obscure book, so that would be anti-Keynesians must assume their position largely on credit unless they are willing to put in a great deal of work and run the risk of seduction in the process. The General Theory seems the random notes over a period of years of a gifted man who in his youth gained the whip hand over his publishers by virtue of the acclaim and fortune resulting from the success of his Economic Consequences of the Peace.
A reprint of his article is here.
The General Theory was not well received at the time of this publication. Richard Ebeling, a Misesian economist, wrote in 2004,
Except for some of Keynes’s young protégés at Cambridge University, most of the reviewers of the book were highly critical of many of its theoretical “innovations,” as well as its inflationary prescriptions for unemployment. Even some economists who later became proponents of Keynes’s “new economics” were initially highly critical of his work. For example, Alvin Hansen, who was one of the leading advocates of Keynesian economics in the United States in the 1950's and 1960's, wrote in late 1936 that The General Theory “is not a landmark in the sense that it lays the foundation for a ‘new economics.’ … The book is more a symptom of economic trends than a foundation stone upon which a science can be built.”
Yet within a few years, and most certainly by the end of World War II, Keynes’s ideas had virtually pushed aside every other explanation of the causes and cures of economic depressions. Keynes’s book became the foundation stone for the new “macroeconomics.”
In contrast to Keynes's book, Hazlitt's book is readable, although not so readable as all of his other books. That is because he had to spend his time trying to make sense out of Keynes's convoluted prose and shifting definitions. But the book is coherent, and his explanations are lucid, as long as he was not directly citing Keynes.
I read the book in the summer of 1963. I know this because I used to write the date on which I had bought a book on the front inside cover page. I did not read Economics in One Lesson until 1971, when I became a senior staff member at the Foundation for Economic Education (FEE). The first book spoiled me. It really is a tour de force. I realize that the second book was his bestseller and is a fine introductory book for people who know nothing about economic theory, but his book on Keynes outshines it. Unfortunately, almost nobody has read it. It remains an unread book that demolishes an equally unread book.
In 1960, Van Nostrand published a follow-up volume edited by Hazlitt, The Critics of Keynesian Economics. It is a compilation of scholarly articles written by critics of Keynes.
The Mises Institute has done yeoman service in making certain that both of these books remain in print, and both of them remain available in PDF format free of charge.

The Memory Hole

Hazlitt's book was not the first full-length book to criticize Keynes or the longest. That honor belongs to Arthur Marget, who was the first economist to devote a book to critiquing a narrow aspect of Keynes's General Theory. It is a two-volume behemoth of over fourteen hundred pages, The Theory of Prices. It also covered Keynes's earlier book, Treatise on Money (1930). The first volume was published in 1938; the second volume was published in 1942. It was unknown when it was published, and it remained unknown after it was republished in 1966. It is not as incoherent as Keynes's book, but it is turgid, prolic, and unread. Almost no economist has ever heard of Marget. That was true in his day, too. There is no Wikipedia entry on him. His book did not go down the memory hole. It was published at the bottom of the memory hole, and it remained there. John Egger wrote a detailed review of it in 1995, which gives you some indication of just how obscure it is. It took over half a century to get a detailed review. Egger concluded, "Labels aside, Marget's work offers scholarship in the history of monetary doctrine that is unmatched, and an analysis of processes that is in some respects unmatched, in explicitly Austrian works. 'Prolixity' or not, it deserves to be recognized as an exciting and significant contribution to the tradition of the methodologically individualistic analysis of monetary processes." The use of the adjective "exciting" to describe this book I regard as exaggerated. The Mises Institute has made a PDF available of each volume.
Hazlitt in 1959 was a well-known economist. He had a regular column in Newsweek from 1946 to 1966. The Mises Institute has reprinted those articles in a massive 800-page book, Business Tides. Yet despite his name identification, the economic guild successfully blacked out references to Hazlitt's book on Keynes. I never recall seeing a footnote to the book in any academic economic article other than those published in Austrian school journals.
The economists' academic guild never took Hazlitt seriously. After all, Hazlitt did not go to college. Keynes did go to college, but he did not major in economics. He majored in mathematics. That certainly did not in any way hamper his capture of the academic guild after 1945.
We have waited for seven decades for some other economist with Hazlitt's ability to penetrate an opponent's arguments, analyze them critically, and report on why they (1) are incoherent and (2) fail to deal with economic reality. W. H. Hutt, did attempt to do this in a 1963 book, Keynesianism — Retrospect and Prospect, and a follow-up book, The Keynesian Episode: A Reassessment(1980), but Hutt's books were turgid and uninspiring. I say this as a fan of Hutt. I had intended to study economics under him. He got me a graduate fellowship when our joint plans fell through in 1967. In refuting Keynes, he allowed Keynes's convoluted arguments to overwhelm his own prose. These two books never gained traction. Even within the free market, anti-Keynes community, they never gained traction. In a 1971 article, Hutt commented on this:
I had expected reasoned objections to my rigorously-stated argument following the publication of my book. None has been forthcoming. Nor has a subsequent article of mine (entitled Keynesian Revisions) which submitted further evidence of a retreat by major exponents of the Keynesian gospel, called forth any reply. In the meantime the retreat has continued although, apart from Leijonhufvud's impressive and scholarly critique, I am aware of no further direct attack on the Keynesian system.
Leijonhufvud's 1968 book, On Keynesian Economics and the Economics of Keynes: A Study in Monetary Theory, is also impenetrable. It was written for his academic peers, but it had no effect in slowing down the Keynesian juggernaut. It was not a hard-core assault on Keynesian economics. It did not get reprinted. It has long since disappeared.
He noted in the book's Introduction that the exegesis of The General Theoryhad fallen into disfavor. What he did not mention was that this exegeting had been required after 1945 because newly converted young economists felt it necessary to explain what Keynes had really meant. This was because nobody could figure out what he meant. Leijonhufvud wrote:
John Maynard Keynes’ The General Theory of Employment, Interest and Money signaled a revolution in economic theory and the beginning of “modem” macro theory. No other economic work in this century has been the subject of anything even approaching the vast outpouring of commentary and criticism that the General Theory has received. But in the last five or ten years, theoretical and exegetical interest in the General Theory has declined markedly. The long “Keynes and the Classics” debate, devoted to the appraisal of the precise nature and significance of Keynes’ innovations, has at last almost petered out. The label “post-Keynesian” attached to much recent theoretical research is symptomatic of the widespread view that the book on the General Theory is closed, that the “Keynesian Revolution” is over, and that what was worthwhile in it has been digested and the rest discarded. The General Theory has itself become a classic — a work which the active theorist need not consult but in which historians of economic doctrines will have a continuing interest.
The General Theory had become a classic in this sense from the day it was published. Nobody consulted it. Nobody quoted it as authoritative. Like the crowd that cheered the emperor with no clothes, the academic world awaited a clear-sighted child who would announce to the world, "The emperor has no clothes."
Hazlitt made this announcement and proved it. But the crowd continued to cheer the emperor. It pushed Hazlitt to the back of the crowd and pretended he had never issued his evaluation.

The Two Core Errors

Hazlitt was always very gracious to me. He was gracious to everybody he met. Therefore, it may be remiss for me to make two observations. But he won't mind. He has been dead a long time.
Hazlitt and all of the other critics of Keynes never did get to the primary points with respect to what was wrong with Keynes. One point was theoretical. The other was practical. Were I to write a book on Keynes, I would begin the introduction with my two observations. Then I would pursue these two observations for several hundred pages. I would not invoke jargon. I would not use any equations. I would simply hammer over and over and over on these two points.
1. Theory. The entire Keynesian apparatus rests on this assumption: the economy needs greater spending in order to pull it out of recession. The system is therefore a demand-side analysis. He argued that investors, fearing the loss of their money, would invest. If they invest, this will lead to reduced consumption and a worse recession. He ignored the obvious: all of money invested goes to other people's incomes. The money stays in the economy, rewarding those with assets to sell, whether labor, capital, or raw materials. This "money disappears" argument was the same conceptual error made by "Major" C. H. Douglas in the years after World War I, whom Keynes praised in the General Theory (pp. 370–71). This was the Social Credit movement's supreme error. I have written a book on this, Salvation through Inflation.
The question, then, is this: "Where will the government get its hands on the money that it will use to spend?" There are only three ways: borrow it, print it, or tax it out of the hands of the public.
Where had the money been before the government borrowed or taxed? It had been in people's bank accounts. The banks were lending out money, and borrowers deposited it in their accounts. If the government had not intervened with massive deficits, selling its IOUs to the banks or to the investors directly, the banks would have had to invest the money somewhere. Money is not stored under mattresses. So, the government simply extracted the money from investors who would have had to seek out profitable avenues of lending, bearing the uncertainty of their actions. The money would have been spent, one way or another. It would have been spent either in forming capital or else providing consumer loans. In other words, the government cannot get something from nothing. This critique should be front and center. The entire critique should rest on this obvious fact: there is no such thing as a free lunch. There is also no such thing as a free investment.
The heart of John Maynard Keynes’ analysis in 1936 was the idea of a permanent free market equilibrium with high unemployment. For some reason, which he never explained coherently, sellers refuse to lower their prices when faced with buyers who refuse to buy at yesterday’s pre-Depression prices. This is especially true of workers who refuse to cut their wage demands.
Keynesianism is based on two fundamental ideas: (1) sellers do not learn that something is better than nothing, and therefore will not lower their selling prices; (2) economists do not learn that government spending that is financed by debt is accomplished in one of only two ways: (a) money lent by savers, which could have been lent to businesses or consumers; (b) money lent by a central bank, which lowers the purchasing power of the currency unit. This is a philosophy of something for nothing.
2. Practice. Keynesianism has always wrapped itself in equations and mathematics. But here is reality: government spending is determined, not by mathematics, but by the ability of politicians to extract wealth from the general public and still get reelected. There is nothing scientific about it.
The entire Keynesian analytical apparatus — which itself is self-contradictory — has never been used by politicians in a scientific way to determine what degree of taxation, borrowing, or inflating will suffice in pulling an economy out of recession or depression. There is no science of Keynesian economics that tells politicians how much taxation or debt, or how much borrowing of newly created money from the central bank, is appropriate. Politicians pay no attention to the recommendations of Keynesian economists, which shows wisdom on the part of politicians. Politicians are far wiser in this regard than economists who have been granted a PhD degree by other economists.

Conclusion

Some bright young economist would be wise to establish his reputation as the premier anti-Keynesian economist of this generation. I proposed this a decade ago, but no one has taken the bait.
The place to start reading for a career-long project along these lines is The Failure of the "New Economics." Then go to Hunter Lewis' Where Keynes Went Wrong (2009). Then go here.

terça-feira, 11 de junho de 2019

Grandes economistas no Google Scholar: Adam Smith, Keynes, Hayek, Friedman, Marx

Eis, pela ordem, os economistas mais citados por outros economistas, segundo a volumetria do Google Scholar (coloquei os percentuais dos demais economistas em relação a um hipotético benchmark de 100% para Adam Smith, o mais citado de todos: 

1. Adam Smith (100%).
2. John Maynard Keynes (73%)
3. Friedrich von Hayek (34%)
4. Milton Friedman (22%)
5. Karl Marx (20%)


quarta-feira, 12 de dezembro de 2018

O nascimento do welfare State: Alemanha bismarckiana - Delanceyplace

Mais uma do meu incontornável guia de leituras, Delanceyplace, ainda que de excertos. As amostras são, por vezes, melhor que o produto inteiro...
Paulo Roberto de Almeida

Today's encore selection -- from Art and Value by Dave Beech.

Though we think of the "welfare state" as something created in the Great Depression and the aftermath of World War II, it was born in industrial powerhouse Germany in the late 1800s:

"The welfare state was conceived, planned and the major elements of it built in the aftermath of the Second World War, but, before the outbreak of the First World War, several European countries had already established some form of what would become the core of the welfare state. Germany led the way, through Bismarck's strategic outflanking of the socialists in the 1880s by guaranteeing national health insurance, a pension, a minimum wage and workplace regulation, vacation, and unemployment insurance. The Bismarckean prototype of the welfare state was followed by Denmark between 1891 and 1907, Sweden between 1891 and 1913 and Britain between 1908 and 1911. 
Otto von Bismarck
"[Arthur Cecil] Pigou's Wealth and Welfare, published in 1912, marks the official birth of welfare economics, but welfare economics would be reborn in the 1930s and was already sketched out in the nineteenth century. [Alfred] Marshall had con­sidered the possibility of state intervention for cheap housing, free meals for children, stabilising employment, and old age pensions (supporting Charles Booth's pension scheme in 1892), as well as fresh air. In an article published in 1907 Marshall argued that the state should be active in 'providing green belts around cities ... by bringing 'the beauties of nature and art within the reach of ordinary citizens', and on providing assistance to make everyone ... truly educated'. Pigou examined the limitations of capitalism and various non­-market methods for correcting it, focusing on the problems of 'market failure' and what have subsequently been called 'externalities'.

"Like Marshall before him, Pigou 'thought it necessary that "an authority of wider reach" should step in and "tackle the collective problems of beauty, of air and of light", just as had been done for public utilities such as gas and water". In the 1930s, the 'New Deal' introduced to American capitalism safeguards and public policies including welfare and jobs creation, which had existed in Europe for some time. The post-war expansion of social security begins in Great Britain during the war, through ambitious plans for reconstruction, leading to the 1942 publi­cation of the Beveridge Report. Alongside recommendations for dealing with poverty, which Beveridge called 'Want', the report called for the integration of social security within a comprehensive universal minimum state provision to combat idleness (that is to say, unemployment), disease, ignorance and squa­lor. Consequently, 'the voice of [Friedrich] Hayek and other opponents to interventionism were largely muffled in the post-war period', while '[John Maynard] Keynes devised forms of intervention that led to his being portrayed as the father of the welfare state and deficit spending.' ...

"Richard Titmuss distin­guishes two types of welfare state, one that is restricted (to correcting market failure and assisting deserving groups) and a second that is universalistic and comprehensive. Gøsta Esping-Andersen identifies three distinct but overlap­ping political economies of the welfare state: one offers only modest guaran­tees against the effects of the market; another confronts both democracy and the market through the setting up of an elite bureaucratic administration that promotes conservative and traditional social relations; and the third estab­lishes widespread de-commodification through social democracy." 
Sign Up Here
Art and Value: Art's Economic Exceptionalism in Classical, Neoclassical and Marxist Economics
Author: Dave Beech
Publisher: Haymarket Books
Copyright 2015 by Brill Academic Publishers
Pages: 128-132

segunda-feira, 2 de janeiro de 2017

Jean-Baptiste Say: 250 anos de seu nascimento em 2017

Jean-Baptiste Say é o homem da "lei de Say", que pretende que "a oferta cria sua própria demanda", numa demonstração de confiança na capacidade empreendedora dos capitalistas, ou seja, homens dispostos a arriscar seu capital, suas terras, seus insumos e trabalho, produzindo algo de útil para a sociedade, e com isso fazendo com que os salários pagos a seus empregados fossem convertidos em compras da produção na qual ele primeiro empregou seus ativos. Genial, em sua aparente simplicidade, e uma tradução elementar do que ocorre na vida real.
Keynes, mais de cem anos depois, pretendeu inverter a "lei de Say", afirmando que a "demanda cria a sua própria oferta", ou seja, querendo que o Estado, esse ser improdutivo, oferecesse crédito à sociedade para que ela adquirisse produtos que não estavam sendo produzidos, esperando com isso despertar os "espíritos animais" dos capitalistas.
Keynes só não explicou de onde o Estado tiraria os recursos para fazer isso, ou seja, injetar liquidez na economia. Sem possuir ativos próprios, o Estado só pode fazer isso de forma perversa: taxando mais os cidadãos, inflacionando o meio circulante, criando dívida pública, em qualquer hipótese meios suicidários para uma economia saudável.
Deu no que deu: desde os anos 1930, ou pouco além, vivemos no inferno keynesiano da inversão da "lei de Say", um atentado maior à racionalidade econômica do que as prescrições econômicas socialistas, que só são seguidas por espíritos desquilibrados.
Feliz aniversário de 250 anos, Jean-Baptiste: preciso recuperar o seu livro de falácias econômicas para atualizar algumas das minhas.
Paulo Roberto de Almeida

Jean-Baptiste Say, on the 250th Anniversary of His Birth

Mises Daily, January 2nd, 2017
Americans live in a world where regulation and taxation at multiple levels of government erode their ability to make choices for themselves. That is, we face constant government assaults on our property rights, as they increasingly limit owners’ power over their property. As James Fenimore Cooper could already write in 1838, “There is getting to be so much public right, that private right is overshadowed and lost. A danger exists that the ends of liberty will be forgotten.”
Given how much private property rights are being pared away, it is worth returning to first principles about the essential underpinnings of voluntary relationships. And one of the very best people to turn to is Jean Baptiste Say. That is particularly true this January 5, which is the 250th anniversary of Say’s birth.
J.B. Say was the foremost French political economist in the early 1800s. An elaborator on Adam Smith’s Wealth of Nations, and a vigorous defender of laissez-faire principles, which are the outgrowth of private property rights, he was the first person to offer a public course in political economy in France, and the English translation of his Treatise on Political Economy was used as a textbook in England and the United States.
Say’s Treatise, particularly his chapter, “Of the right of property,” though written over two centuries ago, remains among the wisest, though most commonly ignored, insights into property rights. Among Say's many penetrating observations are these:  
"The right of property…[is] the most powerful of all encouragements to the multiplication of wealth."
"The legal inviolability of property is obviously a mere mockery, where the sovereign power…practices robbery itself…or where possession is rendered perpetually insecure, by the intricacy of legislative enactments, and the subtleties of technical nicety. Nor can property be said to exist, where it is not matter of reality as well as of right. Then, and then only, can the sources of production… attain their utmost degree of fecundity."
"Who will attempt to deny, that the certainty of enjoying the fruits of one’s land, capital and labor, is the most powerful inducement to render them productive? Or who is dull enough to doubt, that no one knows so well as the proprietor how to make the best use of his property? Yet how often in practice is that inviolability of property disregarded…How often is it broken in upon for the most insignificant purposes; and its violation, that should naturally excite indignation, justified upon the most flimsy pretexts?"
"There is no security of property, where a despotic authority can possess itself of the property of the subject against his consent. Neither is there such security, where the consent is merely nominal and delusive."
"The right of property is equally invaded, by obstructing the free employment of the means of production, as by violently depriving the proprietor of the product of his land, capital, or industry: for the right of property…is the right of use or even abuse. Thus, landed property is violated by arbitrarily prescribing tillage or plantation; or by interdicting particular modes of cultivation; the property of the capitalist is violated, by prohibiting particular ways of employing it…forbidding the proprietor to build on his own soil, or prescribing the form and requisites of the building. It is a further violation of the capitalist’s property to prohibit any kind of industry, or to load it with duties amounting to prohibition, after he has once embarked his capital in that way."
"Yet, sacred as the property in the faculties of industry is, it is constantly infringed upon…A government is guilty of an invasion upon it, when…depriving the individual of the fair and reasonable certainty of having his time and facilities at his own disposal…What robber or despoiler could commit a more atrocious act of invasion upon the public security?"
"Public safety sometimes imperiously requires the sacrifice of private property; but that sacrifice is a violation…For the right of property implies the free disposition of one’s own; and its sacrifice, however fully indemnified, is a forced disposition."
"When public authority is not itself a spoliator, it procures to the nation the greatest of all blessings, protection from spoliation by others. Without this protection of each individual by the united force of the whole community, it is impossible to conceive any considerable development of the productive powers of man, of land, and of capital; or even to conceive the existence of capital at all; for it is nothing more than accumulated value, operating under the safeguard of authority."
"The poor man…is equally interested with the rich in upholding the inviolability of property. His personal services would not be available, without the aid of accumulations previously made and protected. Every obstruction to, or dissipation of these accumulations, is a material injury to his means of gaining a livelihood; and the ruin and spoliation of the higher is as certainly followed by the misery and degradation of the lower classes."
J.B. Say, because he saw theory as a guide to practice (versus something ignored when inconvenient for those in power), was concerned with applying his understanding of property rights. That is clear from other sections of his Treatise, such as those dealing with taxation and regulation. In Larry Sechrest’s words, “he correctly identifies both government regulation and taxation…as threats to civil society itself.” Unfortunately, Say’s insights are seldom practiced, because, “agents of public authority…can enforce error and absurdity at the point of the bayonet or mouth of the cannon.” Say continues: 
"Something cannot be produced out of nothing by a mere touch of the wand…there are but two ways of obtaining…creating oneself or taking from others. The best scheme of finance is, to spend as little as possible; and the best tax is always the lightest."
"The value paid to government by the tax-payer is given without equivalent or return."
"Excessive taxation is a kind of suicide…it extinguishes both production and consumption, and the tax-payer in the bargain."
"The nature of the products is always regulated by the wants of society… [therefore] legislative interference is superfluous altogether."
"Violations of property with all their usual accompaniments of inquisitorial search, personal violence, and injustice, have never afforded any considerable resource to the government employing them. In polity as well as morality, the grand secret is, not to constrain the actions, but to awaken the inclinations of mankind. Markets are not to be supplied by the terror of the bayonet or the saber."
"Of all the means by which a government can stimulate production, there is none so powerful as the perfect security of person and property, especially from the aggressions of arbitrary power. This security is itself a source of public prosperity."
As Larry Sechrest summarized, J.B. Say was “precise and yet as simple as possible, so that any literate, reasonably intelligent person can comprehend his meaning.” However, modern Americans are currently governed by those who choose to violate those principles. And the results are far from those that arise from the defense of private property rights, as well.
Gary M. Galles is a professor of economics at Pepperdine University. He is the author of The Apostle of Peace: The Radical Mind of Leonard Read.

domingo, 17 de abril de 2016

Keynesianos e pos-keynesianos, um congresso para todas as tendencias, Kansas City, MO

Atenção à data: 15 de maio

Dear colleagues,

We are delighted to invite you to join us at the 13th International Post Keynesian Conference in Kansas City, MO. Mark your calendars! The conference is September 15-18, 2016 at the University of Missouri – Kansas City.

Please help us spread the word by sharing this message with your colleagues.

Call for Papers

Please send your paper and panel submissions to umkcpkconference@umkc.edu
Final date for submission is May 15, 2016

Conference themes will include:
The Shoulders of Giants: contributions of our forefathers and foremothers
The Future of Post Keynesian Economics
Can Euroland Survive?
Tapering and the end of QE
Is secular stagnation the New Normal?
The dangerous fantasy of Growth through Austerity
The role of BRICS in the developing world
Has China offered a New Economic Model?
Modern Money Theory, Functional Finance, and Job Guarantee/ELR
Keynotes will include presentations by Lord Robert Skidelsky and James Galbraith.
This year’s conference is sponsored by:
the Journal of Post Keynesian Economics,
the Levy Economics Institute Of Bard College,
the Binzagr Institute for Sustainable Prosperity
and the University Of Missouri-Kansas City.

Stay tuned for more conference details will be posted here: http://www.pkconference.com/
--
Fadhel Kaboub
Associate Professor of Economics, Denison University
President, Binzagr Institute for Sustainable Prosperity
Granville, OH 43023
740-587-6315 @FadhelKaboub

Follow us on LinkedIn, YouTube, Google+ and Twitter @BinzagrInfo
Like us on Facebook


quinta-feira, 20 de setembro de 2012

Administracao: keynesianos soltos (I mean unleashed...)

Keynes, crise e política fiscal, livro de José Roberto Afonso, inaugura nova série Administração Pública do IDP - Instituto Brasilliense de Direito Público, publicada pela editora Saraiva. "O livro resgata para o centro dos debates as obras do economista britânico, John Maynard Keynes, que é visto, muitas vezes, como o pai da intervenção estatal na economia, defensor da gastança e do endividamento público, mesmo sendo um equivoco. A obra volta às reflexões originais de Keynes para identificar e tentar compreender como este encarava o papel da política fiscal na política econômica."
Entre outros pontos, a venda nas livrarias virtuais do IDP ( http://migre.me/aMl6P ) e Saraiva ( http://migre.me/aMlai ). Direitos autorais doados para o Refazer, que atende famílias carentes no IFF/FIOCRUZ no Rio ( http://migre.me/aMldv ). Lançamento será em 20/9, as 18.30h, ao final do Congresso IDP, no centro de eventos da CNTC (SGAS, Av.W-5, Quadra 902, Bloco C), Brasília.

A FGV Projetos em parceria com o Instituto Brasiliense de Direito Público (IDP) publicarão livros sobre finanças públicas e federalismo brasileiro. A série é aberta com os livros "FPE - Equalização estadual no Brasil - Alternativas e simulações para a reforma", de Sergio Prado (UNICAMP), e "ICMS - Gênese, mutações, atualidade e caminhos para a recuperação", de Fernando Rezende (FGV). O lançamento será no Congresso do IDP, auditório da Confederação dos Trabalhadores do Comércio, Brasília, em 20/09/2012 (distribuição gratuita). Ver pdf anexado.

domingo, 5 de agosto de 2012

Keynes, Friedman e Krugman, o Pinocchio - Donald J. Boudreaux


Donald Boudreaux: Was Milton Friedman a Secret Admirer of Keynes?

Liberals misread the great free-market scholar in order to hijack his legacy.

The Wall Street Journal, Opinion, August 3, 2012
With the possible exception of Adam Smith, no person in history is more widely recognized as ably championing free markets than Milton Friedman. Justly so: For more than 60 years until his death in 2006, he pressed the case for capitalism and freedom with impeccable scholarship, good cheer, impressive vigor and unmatched clarity.

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George Mason University economist Donald Boudreaux on why those who say Milton Friedman's attitude toward government is similar to Keynes's are wrong. Photo: Getty Images
Despite his clarity, there are a handful of people whose inability or unwillingness to grasp Friedman's arguments leads them to misrepresent his writings and policy recommendations.
Consider British journalist Nicholas Wapshott. He used the occasion of the 100th anniversary of Friedman's birth (July 31) to claim, in the Daily Beast, that Friedman's attitude toward government was much closer to that of pro-interventionist John Maynard Keynes than to that of Keynes's famous free-market opponent, Friedrich A. Hayek.
Mr. Wapshott says that Friedman really was quite sanguine about a large and constitutionally unrestrained state, based on the alleged contents of a supposedly "lost" essay by Friedman. Contrary to the naive Hayek—who worried that power concentrated in big government inevitably corrupts politicians and invites its own misuse—Mr. Wapshott says, the essay (which was originally published in 1989) shows Friedman believed "that big government is not evil so long as it is honestly administered." He adds that the essay "calls into question whether those today who rail against the size of the state are blaming the system when they should be rooting out corrupt politicians and public officials instead."
So Milton Friedman was really a good-government progressive? No.
Friedman's essay, "John Maynard Keynes," was never lost. The original article, first published in German translation in a volume of commentaries on Keynes's "General Theory," was translated and republished in 1997 by the Richmond Federal Reserve Bank in its quarterly magazine, and it is readily available on the bank's website.
The essay shows beyond a shadow of doubt what Friedman really thought about Keynes's views on government: "I conclude that Keynes's political bequest has done far more harm than his economic bequest and this for two reasons. First, whatever the economic analysis, benevolent dictatorship is likely sooner or later to lead to a totalitarian society. Second, Keynes's economic theories appealed to a group far broader than economists primarily because of their link to his political approach."
Friedman here articulates concerns long expressed by Hayek in the latter's 1944 book, "The Road to Serfdom," that big government of the sort that Keynes demanded is poisonous to freedom and prosperity. He saw clearly that Keynes's "political bequest" was so dangerous that no amount of rooting out of corrupt officials would prevent a government armed with unlimited discretionary economic power from becoming tyrannical.
There's an even more egregious misrepresentation of Friedman, this one by Paul Krugman, the economist and New York Times columnist. A few months after Friedman's death in November 2006, Mr. Krugman penned an essay in the New York Review of Books, "Who Was Milton Friedman," accusing him of being "intellectually dishonest." He doubled down on this charge in a letter to the editor of the New York Review responding to critics of the essay.
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Economist Milton Friedman
The dishonesty, in Mr. Krugman's telling, consists in an alleged contradiction. On one hand, Friedman the scholar claimed in his famous "Monetary History of the United States" that the Great Depression was worsened by the Fed's failure to keep the money supply from falling. But, on the other hand, Friedman the public figure claimed that the Depression likely would have been far less severe in the absence of the Fed. "I'm sorry," Mr. Krugman wrote in the letter, "but those are contradictory positions."
Mr. Krugman's charge is silly. Friedman understood that, without the Federal Reserve, private bank-clearinghouse associations—market institutions that were displaced by the Fed—would likely have prevented the money supply from collapsing and, hence, might well have kept the depression from becoming "great." But Friedman also understood that the Fed, having substituted its own technocratic discretion for the market adjustments of clearinghouses, then had a responsibility to manage the money supply properly. It failed to do so. Friedman (and his co-author Anna Schwartz) properly criticized the Fed for this terrible failure.
Friedman's argument here is no more contradictory or dishonest than would be the argument of, say, a physician who, having unsuccessfully warned a patient not to rely for medical care upon a witch doctor, points to the witch doctor's failure to administer appropriate mouth-to-mouth resuscitation as the cause of the patient's death.
Milton Friedman combined soaring academic credentials with a remarkable virtuosity at explaining to the public why free markets are economically and ethically superior to even well-intentioned government plans and regulations. He was throughout his long life and career a special target of those who would preserve what he and his wife, Rose, called "the tyranny of the status quo." This status quo consists of interest groups, bureaucrats and politicians who—with help from cheerleaders in the media and the academy—use government to enlarge their own pocketbooks and to stroke their own egos, all at the expense of the general public.
If Friedman was secretly upbeat about powerful government or, worse, misleading the public, then the voice of one of history's greatest advocates of free markets would be silenced. In fact, Milton Friedman's advocacy of free markets was as principled, consistent and honest as it was brilliant.
Mr. Boudreaux is professor of economics at George Mason University and author of "Hypocrites and Half-Wits" (Free To Choose Press, 2012).
A version of this article appeared August 4, 2012, on page A15 in the U.S. edition of The Wall Street Journal, with the headline: Was Milton Friedman a Secret Admirer of Keynes?.