Do sempre bem informado Ricardo Bergamini:
Oito Unidades da Federação (São Paulo, Rio de Janeiro, Minas Gerais, Rio Grande do Sul, Paraná, Santa Catarina, Distrito Federal e Bahia) representam 76,6% do PIB brasileiro. (Fonte IBGE).
Os estados mais ricos da federação são os maiores beneficiários da “Bolsa da União para os Estados”.
Ricardo Bergamini
Programas de Ajuste Fiscal
Dívida Consolidada Líquida dos Estados e Municípios Com a União
Fonte MF
Base: Ano de 2015
Estados - R$ Bilhões - %
São Paulo - 220,1 - 37,52
Minas Gerais - 56,5 - 9,63
Rio de Janeiro - 56,5 - 9,63
Rio Grande do Sul - 40,7 - 6,94
Outros 23 estados - 89,0 - 15,18
Total - 462,8 - 78,90
Municípios - 123,8 - 21,10
Total - 586,6 - 100,00
Considerações:
1) Somente o estado de São Paulo concentra 37,52% do total das dívidas dos Estados e Municípios com a União.
2) Apenas 4 estados (São Paulo, Minas Gerais, Rio de Janeiro e Rio Grande do Sul) concentra 63,72% das dívidas dos Estados e Municípios com a União.
3) Em 31 de dezembro de 2015 a dívida total dos Estados e Municípios com a União montavam em R$ 586,6 bilhões.
4) Forma de pagamento e juros com base na Lei 9.496, de 11 de setembro de 1997:
4.1) O Governo Federal editou em 29/12/2015 o Decreto nº 8.616, para regulamentar a Lei Complementar 148/2014 que, entre outras disposições, autorizou a União a adotar novas condições nos contratos de refinanciamento de dívidas dos estados e municípios com a União.
O decreto, publicado ontem em edição extraordinária do Diário Oficial da União, estabelece as fórmulas para reprocessamento das dívidas pelos novos encargos autorizados, bem como para a apuração mensal do coeficiente de atualização monetária da dívida remanescente.
O decreto dispõe ainda sobre as providências a serem adotadas pelos devedores antes da celebração dos aditivos contratuais com a União para aplicação das disposições da LC 148/2014, como obtenção de autorização legislativa, conferência e concordância prévia com os cálculos, observação das exigências contidas na Lei de Responsabilidade Fiscal (LRF) para essas operações e desistência de ações judiciais eventualmente propostas sobre os contratos de refinanciamento.
De acordo com a Lei Complementar 151/2015, o prazo para celebração desses aditivos contratuais e aplicação dos novos encargos é 31 de janeiro de 2016. Após essa data, os devedores que não tiverem reunido as condições exigidas para o aditamento continuarão pagando suas dívidas com a União nas condições vigentes até que a alteração contratual seja feita.
LC 148/2014
A Lei Complementar nº 148 alterou os critérios de indexação aplicáveis aos contratos de refinanciamento de dívidas de Estados e de Municípios, firmados com a União no âmbito da Lei nº 9.496, de 11 de setembro de 1997, e da Medida Provisória nº 2.192-70, de 24 de agosto de 2001, bem como dos contratos de refinanciamento de dívidas de Municípios, celebrados ao amparo da Medida Provisória nº 2.185, de 24 de agosto de 2001.
Dentre as principais inovações trazidas, destacam-se:
- concessão de desconto sobre os saldos devedores dos contratos de refinanciamento de dívidas dos Estados e dos Municípios, correspondente à diferença entre os saldos existentes em 1º de janeiro de 2013 e aqueles apurados, naquela data, pelo recálculo das dívidas de acordo com a variação acumulada da taxa SELIC desde a data de assinatura dos contratos; e
- aplicação de novos indexadores a partir de 1º de janeiro de 2013, observada a menor das variações acumuladas entre o IPCA mais 4% a.a. e a taxa Selic, em substituição aos encargos contratuais originais, IGP-DI mais juros de 6% a 7,5% a.a. para Estados e Distrito Federal, e IGP-DI + 9% a.a. para os Municípios.
A aplicação da LC 148 impactará mais de 200 (duzentos) contratos de refinanciamento de dívidas celebrados entre estados, DF e municípios e a União e deverá permitir aos entes a possibilidade de redução em seus pagamentos futuros para a União. A LC 148 não traz impactos para a dívida pública e não afeta o resultado primário da União e dos entes.
Grato ao economista Ricardo Bergamini (PRA)
Mostrando postagens com marcador renegociação da dívida. Mostrar todas as postagens
Mostrando postagens com marcador renegociação da dívida. Mostrar todas as postagens
quarta-feira, 22 de junho de 2016
segunda-feira, 13 de julho de 2015
Grecia: a educacao de um lider esquerdista (jamais feita completamente) - Washington Post
Um professor de relações internacionais da Universidade do Pireu, cujo primeiro nome é evocativamente Aristóteles, e certamente evocando o título da biografia de Henry Adams, chamou o recente episódio de meia-volta do primeiro ministro grego de "a educação de Alexis Tsipras", o que talvez seja enganoso, pois esquerdistas convencidos jamais se dão por vencidos, e jamais aprendem qualquer coisa.
Temos como exemplo a nossa dirigente, inepta, incompetente, teimosa, e que até agora não reconheceu todos os gigantescos equívocos cometidos, todas as bobagens perpetradas, e que se recusa ainda assim a fazer um mea culpa. Não tem educação, stricto et lato sensi, ou seja, nunca aprendeu nada e pretende continuar não aprendendo. Cabeça dura...
O primeiro-ministro grego também, e como a brasileira, vai deixar o seu país muito pior do que antes, mas se recusa a admitir simples verdades.
Apresenta as propostas europeias como sendo um assalto à mão armada, o dinheiro ou a vida, dizendo que tem de aceitar dar o dinheiro para manter a vida, o que é escandalosamente desonesto: os gregos, para ter mais dinheiro europeu, terão de aceitar algumas reformas, que já deveriam ter feito por conta própria, para seu próprio benefício, não para beneficiar credores, que de resto são todos institucionais, não banqueiros malvados, como quer fazer acreditar uma imprensa debiloide (como Carta Capital, por exemplo). Exatamente como no Brasil, onde as reformas precisam ser feitas em benefício do próprio Brasil, não pelos mercados ou pelos capitalistas estrangeiros.
A França, talvez pensando no seu próprio caso, queria flexibilizar, e passar mais dinheiro para os gregos sem muitas condicionalidades. É muito fácil jogar com o dinheiro dos outros, no caso com o dos alemães, que não aceitaram a tramoia (e por que deveriam fazê-lo?; os gregos que se convençam que não podem mais viver com o dinheiro dos outros, como todos os socialistas gostam de fazer).
Em conclusão, temos uma comédia de erros no caso da Grécia, mas os principais trapalhões e embusteiros são os próprios gregos. Um dia vão ter de aprender, e o povo grego também.
Exatamente como no Brasil. Mas o custo é enorme ter esquerdistas ignorantes no poder...
Paulo Roberto de Almeida
In Greece, defiance dissipates into capitulation
By Ylan Q. Mui and Anthony Faiola
The Washington Post, 11/07/2015
Thousands of people flooded the square outside Parliament, draping themselves in blue-and-white flags to celebrate the country’s sweeping rejection of the tough austerity measures demanded by its European creditors, which Greece’s fiery young leader had likened to “blackmail.”
But by Friday, the euphoria had faded as Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras’s vows to stand up to Europe caved to the harsh realization that the birthplace of democracy stood just 48 hours away from financial ruin — and Greeks were poised to swallow what amounted to the same dose of austerity they had refused in a vote Sunday.
“Each one of us shall be confronted with his stature and his history. Between a bad choice and a catastrophic one, we are forced to opt for the first one,” Tsipras said in a speech before his party’s lawmakers, according to local media. “It is as if one asks you for your money or your life.”
In the wee hours of Saturday morning, the Greek Parliament backed a last-ditch plea to creditors for more than 50 billion euros in emergency funding that could carry the country through the next three years. European officials in Brussels also planned to pore over the proposal Saturday afternoon. Approval from the 19-member euro zone’s finance ministers would open the door to restarting formal negotiations that had broken down in the run-up to the referendum.
Securing the bailout money could pave the way for shuttered banks to reopen, return some semblance of normalcy to beleaguered citizens and affirm this Mediterranean nation’s identity as an integral part of Europe. But it almost would amount to an acknowledgment that while the austerity Tsipras disdained may be painful — and may deepen Greece’s financial crisis — leaving the common euro currency would be worse.
“The revolutionary moment has fizzled,” said Mark Medish, who served as a top official in the Treasury Department and the National Security Council under President Bill Clinton. “In effect, the no vote would be turning into a yes.”
But members of the far-left block of Tsipras’ ruling Syriza party signaled they were unhappy with the deal. Panagiotis Lafazanis, who heads the radical block and sits in Tsipras’s cabinet, characterized it as a departure from party philosophy. He and seven other Syriza members abstained from voting. Seven of the party’s lawmakers skipped the vote altogether, and two rejected the proposal. The insurgency could result in a political shakeup once negotiations with Europe are over.
The bailout “doesn’t give answers to the country’s problems or a positive destination,” Lafazanis told Greek media.
How Greece went from victory to economy-destroying defeat
In return for a bailout, Tsipras offered to undertake a massive restructuring of the national budget that has eluded his predecessors but that analysts say may be unavoidable if Greece is to stabilize its foundering economy. The package of spending cuts and tax increases is estimated to total 12 billion to 13 billion euros — even more than previous Greek proposals had offered. It includes abolishing key tax breaks for islands that are popular tourist destinations, phasing out a subsidy for poor pensioners and privatizing sprawling state industries.
“This could be called the education of Alexis Tsipras,” said Aristotle Tziampiris, associate professor of international relations at the University of Piraeus. “The overwhelming majority of the Greek people were united in fact in their desire to stay in the euro zone.”
The apparent capitulation by Greece, though, still needed the backing of its creditors, some of whom remained decidedly unamused by the antics in Athens.
Greece’s troika of lenders — the European Commission, the European Central Bank and the International Monetary Fund — discussed Greece’s request for a bailout in a conference call Friday afternoon.
A commitment of fresh money could open the door for the ECB to lift its cap on emergency aid for Greece’s banks, which have been shut for two weeks. The central bank will likely discuss the matter Monday, according to the Reuters news agency.
French officials, who sent advisers to help Greece craft its proposal, lobbied for leniency, with President François Hollande describing the offer as “serious and credible.”
But Germany, the largest creditor nation, is likely to be a decisive voice, and hard questions were still being asked in Berlin. German officials were calling for signs of follow-through by the Greeks, and the strong endorsement of the proposal by the Greek Parliament might help.
This is the third bailout that Athens has asked for in five years. Greece had sought an extension of its previous program, but now it is to start a wholly new one.
“The situation of the expired old program does not exist anymore,” German government spokesman Steffen Seibert told reporters in Berlin. “Therefore, what we need is a new, multi-year program which in its requirements and commitments by far exceeds what was discussed at the end of June.”
Yet there seemed to be a slight opening by the Germans on the thorny but pivotal issue of easing Greece’s crippling debt, even if slightly. German Finance Ministry spokesman Martin Jäger said a major debt-slashing was out of the question. But he left open the possibility of a debt restructuring that eases Greece’s terms, saying the intent was not to “significantly reduce the cash value of the debt.”
A commitment by Greece’s lenders to address its debt could sweeten the deal for Athens. As Friday’s debate over the bailout stretched into Saturday morning, Tsipras held out that potential as a crucial victory.
“I hope we are nearing the end of a battle,” he said before Parliament. “Sooner or later, this seed of dignity and democracy will bear fruit for other Europeans.”
But for some Greeks — primarily from the prime minister’s own party — there remained only one solution: to leave Europe and its austerity regime behind.
A small contingent of the bailout’s most ardent opponents gathered Friday night in Syntagma Square in front of Parliament. Petro Vaios, 20, handed out leaflets and carried a sign on his backpack that read, “No bailouts, old or new.”
The protest was a mere shadow of the throngs that filled the streets after last Sunday’s referendum. Vaios said he knew he was fighting for a lost cause.
“After five years of austerity, we now know for sure that the European way has not led us anywhere,” he said. “If we follow the same path, it’s like committing suicide.”
When asked how he felt about Tsipras, the leader who moved from open resistance to desperation in the space of a week, Vaios only smiled and replied, “It’s a tricky question.”
Stephanie Kirchner in Berlin contributed to this report.
Temos como exemplo a nossa dirigente, inepta, incompetente, teimosa, e que até agora não reconheceu todos os gigantescos equívocos cometidos, todas as bobagens perpetradas, e que se recusa ainda assim a fazer um mea culpa. Não tem educação, stricto et lato sensi, ou seja, nunca aprendeu nada e pretende continuar não aprendendo. Cabeça dura...
O primeiro-ministro grego também, e como a brasileira, vai deixar o seu país muito pior do que antes, mas se recusa a admitir simples verdades.
Apresenta as propostas europeias como sendo um assalto à mão armada, o dinheiro ou a vida, dizendo que tem de aceitar dar o dinheiro para manter a vida, o que é escandalosamente desonesto: os gregos, para ter mais dinheiro europeu, terão de aceitar algumas reformas, que já deveriam ter feito por conta própria, para seu próprio benefício, não para beneficiar credores, que de resto são todos institucionais, não banqueiros malvados, como quer fazer acreditar uma imprensa debiloide (como Carta Capital, por exemplo). Exatamente como no Brasil, onde as reformas precisam ser feitas em benefício do próprio Brasil, não pelos mercados ou pelos capitalistas estrangeiros.
A França, talvez pensando no seu próprio caso, queria flexibilizar, e passar mais dinheiro para os gregos sem muitas condicionalidades. É muito fácil jogar com o dinheiro dos outros, no caso com o dos alemães, que não aceitaram a tramoia (e por que deveriam fazê-lo?; os gregos que se convençam que não podem mais viver com o dinheiro dos outros, como todos os socialistas gostam de fazer).
Em conclusão, temos uma comédia de erros no caso da Grécia, mas os principais trapalhões e embusteiros são os próprios gregos. Um dia vão ter de aprender, e o povo grego também.
Exatamente como no Brasil. Mas o custo é enorme ter esquerdistas ignorantes no poder...
Paulo Roberto de Almeida
In Greece, defiance dissipates into capitulation
By Ylan Q. Mui and Anthony Faiola
The Washington Post, 11/07/2015
Thousands of people flooded the square outside Parliament, draping themselves in blue-and-white flags to celebrate the country’s sweeping rejection of the tough austerity measures demanded by its European creditors, which Greece’s fiery young leader had likened to “blackmail.”
But by Friday, the euphoria had faded as Prime Minister Alexis Tsipras’s vows to stand up to Europe caved to the harsh realization that the birthplace of democracy stood just 48 hours away from financial ruin — and Greeks were poised to swallow what amounted to the same dose of austerity they had refused in a vote Sunday.
“Each one of us shall be confronted with his stature and his history. Between a bad choice and a catastrophic one, we are forced to opt for the first one,” Tsipras said in a speech before his party’s lawmakers, according to local media. “It is as if one asks you for your money or your life.”
In the wee hours of Saturday morning, the Greek Parliament backed a last-ditch plea to creditors for more than 50 billion euros in emergency funding that could carry the country through the next three years. European officials in Brussels also planned to pore over the proposal Saturday afternoon. Approval from the 19-member euro zone’s finance ministers would open the door to restarting formal negotiations that had broken down in the run-up to the referendum.
Securing the bailout money could pave the way for shuttered banks to reopen, return some semblance of normalcy to beleaguered citizens and affirm this Mediterranean nation’s identity as an integral part of Europe. But it almost would amount to an acknowledgment that while the austerity Tsipras disdained may be painful — and may deepen Greece’s financial crisis — leaving the common euro currency would be worse.
“The revolutionary moment has fizzled,” said Mark Medish, who served as a top official in the Treasury Department and the National Security Council under President Bill Clinton. “In effect, the no vote would be turning into a yes.”
But members of the far-left block of Tsipras’ ruling Syriza party signaled they were unhappy with the deal. Panagiotis Lafazanis, who heads the radical block and sits in Tsipras’s cabinet, characterized it as a departure from party philosophy. He and seven other Syriza members abstained from voting. Seven of the party’s lawmakers skipped the vote altogether, and two rejected the proposal. The insurgency could result in a political shakeup once negotiations with Europe are over.
The bailout “doesn’t give answers to the country’s problems or a positive destination,” Lafazanis told Greek media.
How Greece went from victory to economy-destroying defeat
In return for a bailout, Tsipras offered to undertake a massive restructuring of the national budget that has eluded his predecessors but that analysts say may be unavoidable if Greece is to stabilize its foundering economy. The package of spending cuts and tax increases is estimated to total 12 billion to 13 billion euros — even more than previous Greek proposals had offered. It includes abolishing key tax breaks for islands that are popular tourist destinations, phasing out a subsidy for poor pensioners and privatizing sprawling state industries.
“This could be called the education of Alexis Tsipras,” said Aristotle Tziampiris, associate professor of international relations at the University of Piraeus. “The overwhelming majority of the Greek people were united in fact in their desire to stay in the euro zone.”
The apparent capitulation by Greece, though, still needed the backing of its creditors, some of whom remained decidedly unamused by the antics in Athens.
Greece’s troika of lenders — the European Commission, the European Central Bank and the International Monetary Fund — discussed Greece’s request for a bailout in a conference call Friday afternoon.
A commitment of fresh money could open the door for the ECB to lift its cap on emergency aid for Greece’s banks, which have been shut for two weeks. The central bank will likely discuss the matter Monday, according to the Reuters news agency.
French officials, who sent advisers to help Greece craft its proposal, lobbied for leniency, with President François Hollande describing the offer as “serious and credible.”
But Germany, the largest creditor nation, is likely to be a decisive voice, and hard questions were still being asked in Berlin. German officials were calling for signs of follow-through by the Greeks, and the strong endorsement of the proposal by the Greek Parliament might help.
This is the third bailout that Athens has asked for in five years. Greece had sought an extension of its previous program, but now it is to start a wholly new one.
“The situation of the expired old program does not exist anymore,” German government spokesman Steffen Seibert told reporters in Berlin. “Therefore, what we need is a new, multi-year program which in its requirements and commitments by far exceeds what was discussed at the end of June.”
Yet there seemed to be a slight opening by the Germans on the thorny but pivotal issue of easing Greece’s crippling debt, even if slightly. German Finance Ministry spokesman Martin Jäger said a major debt-slashing was out of the question. But he left open the possibility of a debt restructuring that eases Greece’s terms, saying the intent was not to “significantly reduce the cash value of the debt.”
A commitment by Greece’s lenders to address its debt could sweeten the deal for Athens. As Friday’s debate over the bailout stretched into Saturday morning, Tsipras held out that potential as a crucial victory.
“I hope we are nearing the end of a battle,” he said before Parliament. “Sooner or later, this seed of dignity and democracy will bear fruit for other Europeans.”
But for some Greeks — primarily from the prime minister’s own party — there remained only one solution: to leave Europe and its austerity regime behind.
A small contingent of the bailout’s most ardent opponents gathered Friday night in Syntagma Square in front of Parliament. Petro Vaios, 20, handed out leaflets and carried a sign on his backpack that read, “No bailouts, old or new.”
The protest was a mere shadow of the throngs that filled the streets after last Sunday’s referendum. Vaios said he knew he was fighting for a lost cause.
“After five years of austerity, we now know for sure that the European way has not led us anywhere,” he said. “If we follow the same path, it’s like committing suicide.”
When asked how he felt about Tsipras, the leader who moved from open resistance to desperation in the space of a week, Vaios only smiled and replied, “It’s a tricky question.”
Stephanie Kirchner in Berlin contributed to this report.
Assinar:
Postagens (Atom)